by Salim Lone
Tuesday, January 26, 2010
The four conflicting government statements issued on whether controversial preacher al-Faisal had been deported last Thursday were a fitting climax to an episode in which ineptitude escalated an irritating issue into a full-blown national and security crisis.
By unlawfully banning what was a small demonstration that had little support from Muslim leaders, and then using live bullets, water cannon and tear-gas, which penetrated Jamia Mosque, the police unleashed angry passions among even mainstream Muslims.
Then Internal Security minister George Saitoti poured fire on the coals by claiming members of the radical al-Shabaab group of Somalia were among the demonstrators who had instigated violence.
Why al-shabaab presence was discovered after the demonstration is alarming — including for investors and tourists — but in any event, Kenyan Somalis felt targeted, a suspicion borne out when hundreds were arrested in a swoop, along with genuine refugees.
Muslim leaders exercised great courage in having the second demonstration called off.
But the divisiveness had taken hold. Angry non-Muslims issued diatribes that reflected how deep in some quarters the xenophobia about Somalis and even Muslims is. The only winners in this crisis were extremists on both sides.
It is this division between the mainstream and a deprived and disaffected minority that Kenya must address urgently. It is precisely this division that extremists aim for, whether it be al-Qaeda or new-cons who plot conflict as a way to political and economic domination.
We live in one of the world’s most dangerous neighbourhoods, and have suffered grievously from it. We must not exacerbate that risk.
For decades, our large Kenyan Somali population has been marginalised or persecuted because of the actions of a few or through prejudice. In its disaffected ranks, the lure of radicalism grows with each round of arrests and harassment, or scapegoating in the media.
The government has the responsibility to take tough actions to protect its citizens against terrorists. But these actions must be pursued in a way that curbs rather than enhances extremism, and does not undermine national inclusion.
Such actions must also conform to national and international laws, not merely as legal requirements, but as proven tools for the enhancement of human security.
That is why we should never think of national security as being the responsibility of security agencies alone. National cohesion, inclusion and economic development are the other inescapable antidotes to combating extremism.
To contain or root out radicalism, our policies must isolate the extremists from their communities, by winning communities’ support through concrete policies. Without this, no amount of force will stop extremism from growing.
A concerted cross-sectoral political and economic programme in our neglected Somali areas would produce quick results.
Somalis are among Africa’s most entrepreneurial groups, as evidenced by the success of their businessmen in Somalia’s lawless environment, and amid international sanctions. The empowerment of our own Somalis’ business acumen would, in fact, yield rich national economic dividends.
In Kenya, Somali resourcefulness has seen many of them prosper in political life in recent years, including in parliamentary roles and in the resonant constitution-making area.
But Somali and Muslim leaders also need to accelerate efforts to make their struggles a more explicit part of the process of national democratisation.
Finally, we must commit more resources to effective intelligence gathering, and cooperate closely with the US in fighting terrorism. But we must scrutinise US prescriptions with great care to ensure they conform with our national interest.
The decade-long US War on Terror strategy has failed miserably and led to much greater global divisiveness, with many more countries under threat from extremists than before 9/11.
One of that policy’s most abysmal failures was in Somalia, where the US colluded with that country’s arch-enemy, Ethiopia, to overthrow the relatively moderate Islamic Courts Union. That led to increased chaos and suffering, and the further radicalisation of Somalis, swelling the ranks of little known al-Shabaab.
Unless wisdom prevails in our conception of security, we will be at greater risk from disaffected Somalis.